British Library-it horosho.i of manuscripts = first Italian gizmos said to me. and generally tried to the public, a glossary терминов в кратинках чего стоит prodigi.bl.uk/illcat/welcome.htm
Tuesday, June 22, 2010
Wednesday, June 16, 2010
Kate Ground Masterbate
knigi.retsenzii
Verdeyen, Paul, ed. Guillelmus a Sancto Theoderico. <i>Opera Omnia</i>, IV-V.
Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaeualis 89-89A.
Turnhout: Brepols, 2005-2007. Pp. xix, 139. ISBN: 2503038913, and pp.
215, ISBN: 250303893X.
Reviewed by Constant J. Mews Monash University
William of Saint-Thierry is a thinker who has tended to languish in
the shadow of his more well-known friend, Bernard of Clairvaux. Yet
the edition of his <i>Opera Omnia</i> by Paul Verdeyen provides the
opportunity for scholars to revisit this author, perhaps most often
remembered for having asked Bernard to intervene against Peter
Abelard. Verdeyen introduced this project with his edition of
William's commentary on Romans, CCCM 86 (1989), prefaced with a useful
introduction to this author, born around 1075 (thus fifteen years
younger than Bernard) and abbot of Saint-Thierry in Reims from Lent
1121 until 1135 when he joined the Cistercian Order at Signy. There
followed a volume (CCCM 87, 1997), containing his important brief
commentary on the Song of Songs (from around 1130), and his
compilation from both Ambrose and Gregory on that text, and another
(CCCM 88, 2003) containing editions of a range of smaller treatises,
<i>De contemplando Deo</i> and <i>De natura et dignitate amoris</i>
(from 1121-24), <i>De sacramento altaris</i> (addressed to Rupert of
Deutz around 1127), the <i>De natura corporis et animae</i> (around
1138) and the <i>Epistola ad fratres de Monte Dei</i> (1144-1145).
Part IV of the <i>Opera Omnia</i> provides an edition of his
<i>Meditationes devotissimae</i>, probably written while he was still
at Saint-Thierry, but completed soon after he came to Signy in 1137.
These are philosophical meditations, in the spirit of St Anselm. They
move from reflection on the wisdom and knowledge of God, to reflection
on <i>amor</i>, as the goal of the spiritual life.
Verdeyen, Paul, ed. Guillelmus a Sancto Theoderico. <i>Opera Omnia</i>, IV-V.
Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaeualis 89-89A.
Turnhout: Brepols, 2005-2007. Pp. xix, 139. ISBN: 2503038913, and pp.
215, ISBN: 250303893X.
Reviewed by Constant J. Mews Monash University
William of Saint-Thierry is a thinker who has tended to languish in
the shadow of his more well-known friend, Bernard of Clairvaux. Yet
the edition of his <i>Opera Omnia</i> by Paul Verdeyen provides the
opportunity for scholars to revisit this author, perhaps most often
remembered for having asked Bernard to intervene against Peter
Abelard. Verdeyen introduced this project with his edition of
William's commentary on Romans, CCCM 86 (1989), prefaced with a useful
introduction to this author, born around 1075 (thus fifteen years
younger than Bernard) and abbot of Saint-Thierry in Reims from Lent
1121 until 1135 when he joined the Cistercian Order at Signy. There
followed a volume (CCCM 87, 1997), containing his important brief
commentary on the Song of Songs (from around 1130), and his
compilation from both Ambrose and Gregory on that text, and another
(CCCM 88, 2003) containing editions of a range of smaller treatises,
<i>De contemplando Deo</i> and <i>De natura et dignitate amoris</i>
(from 1121-24), <i>De sacramento altaris</i> (addressed to Rupert of
Deutz around 1127), the <i>De natura corporis et animae</i> (around
1138) and the <i>Epistola ad fratres de Monte Dei</i> (1144-1145).
Part IV of the <i>Opera Omnia</i> provides an edition of his
<i>Meditationes devotissimae</i>, probably written while he was still
at Saint-Thierry, but completed soon after he came to Signy in 1137.
These are philosophical meditations, in the spirit of St Anselm. They
move from reflection on the wisdom and knowledge of God, to reflection
on <i>amor</i>, as the goal of the spiritual life.
Friday, June 11, 2010
How To Masterbate Woman
city and community
Oldfield, Paul. <i>City and Community in Norman Italy</i>. Series:
Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought: Fourth Series, 72.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Pp. 310. $99.00.
ISBN-13: 9780521898041.
Reviewed by Louis I. Hamilton
Drew University
lhamilto@drew.edu
Paul Oldfield's <i>City and Community</i> contains a wealth of detail
from the lives of the cities of primarily Apulia and Campagna in the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. The five-page bibliography of primary
sources in printed editions not only reveals the breadth of his survey
of the material but also makes this work an invaluable resource for
all scholars and students of medieval Italy. Such a concentrated
survey of urban life in southern Italy is a unique and difficult
undertaking, and most welcome. <i>City and Community</i> comes out of
Oldfield's thesis as will be apparent to the reader. The wealth of
material that Oldfield collects is both the strength and great
weakness of the work as Oldfield's broader analytic point and overall
thesis is too often lost in loosely organized details. This work will
ultimately, I believe, prove an important starting point for future
research on urban life in Norman Italy.
Oldfield is concerned to demonstrate that, despite an entrenched
historiography that has long since marginalized the cities of southern
Italy, the cities of Norman Italy developed and retained elements of
independence, self-governing, and civic identity. Oldfield is correct
to challenge the portrait of southern Italy as "more a passive object
than actor in history," as Giovanni Tobacco once described it (5). In
this traditional portrait, urban creativity and liberty were crushed
by church and state alike. Oldfield offers much evidence that reveals
the cities of southern Italy as anything but passive and oppressed.
It should be noted that the title is <i>City and Community</i>, not
"city and commune." The latter is a concession to the limited
authority of the citizens of southern Italy. Oldfield defines
communal as "an adjective meaning 'that which relates to or benefits
the community.' It is not to be associated with the commune as an
institution unless this is specifically indicated" (7). Such a
definition obviously begs the questions, what is "the community," who
defines what "benefits" it, and how and by whom was that benefit
attained? In this definition, a royal privilege granted to a monastic
community, a bishop's household, a guild, or a group of self-described
citizens are all equally "communal" actions. A more limiting, but
traditional definition of the commune as a sworn association formed
with the purpose of governing public activity within urban areas would
have loaned greater clarity to Oldfield's work. It would have also
allowed more ready comparison with urban transformations on the rest
of the Italian peninsula. Nor was it necessary for Oldfield to invent
such a distinction as he offers evidence of sworn associations
(societies, for ex.) exerting independent authority within the city.
In addition, he repeatedly discovers the traditional actors of the
communes (<i>boni homines, iudices, cives</i>, etc.) acting with
common interests, even if without direct evidence for a sworn
association. A more traditional definition would not only have been
more precise but would have enabled greater integration of the two
historiographies of medieval Italy. The equally thorny question of
what defines a city is dealt with in the more typical manner, albeit
imprecise, of confining the study to the self-described
<i>civitas</i>.
The first part of the work, "Urban Government and Communal
Independence," provides a chronological overview of the effects, or
lack thereof, of the Normans on the urban centers of southern Italy.
The first chapter, "Before 1085: the arrival of the Normans," is
filled with tantalizing clues of a vibrant urban life in the eleventh
century. One wishes that the <i>cives, boni homines</i>, or
<i>iudices</i> (23, 25) that Oldfield has discovered in his research
or the uprising against ducal control that he thinks "may be evident
of incipient communal participation in civic affairs" were more
closely scrutinized in their details. This book is filled with such
clues that will surely become the basis of future research. Chapter
two highlights the absence of Ducal presence in cities like Troia and
Bari. In Bari in particular the Byzantine elite appeared to have
retained their titles through the eleventh century. The situation in
the cities became more fraught in the early twelfth century with
Benevento and Capua asserting greater independence from the Norman
dukes and Bari, Gaeta, Trani and Troia following suit more or less.
Bari, Gaeta and Trani appear to have experienced the greatest
independence although the organization of the chapter requires the
reader to construct the comparisons with some difficulty. Here, at
least, Oldfield is using the more traditional phrase "communal
institutions." Chapter three contends that the years of civil war
from 1127-39 did not result in an abandonment of civic privileges but
reveals much greater continuity with the privileges gained in the
preceding two generations than had been previously thought. This
relative, and surprising, independence continued on the mainland
through the early thirteenth century.
Part two of the book, "Urban society: community identity and wealth,"
largely attempts to survey social identity within the cities and is
less successful. Intriguingly, Oldfield notes that the term
<i>cives</i> is increasingly popular in the twelfth century and that
it denotes greater social status although it admittedly cannot be
precisely defined (180). He mentions in passing a greater emphasis on
civic rights at the expense of civic custom with little effort made to
explain what seems a remarkable observation (182). A close
examination of the context of that evidence might have enabled greater
causal explanation. As is often the case, one wishes that Oldfield
could have presented the reader with a range of examples of the use of
the term so that the reader could either better understand his
reluctance to impose precision or understand the spectrum of possible
meanings he has discovered. Chapter seven, "The Community," is
perhaps the least satisfying in the entire work, but again tantalizing
clues abound. His argument that the distinction between the (ill-
defined) categories of "elites," "middle" and the "edges" of society
is imprecise, is unsurprising. Still, we are treated to a wealth of
detail; the neighborhoods of different cities are sprinkled throughout
the chapter (198-202 for example) and would repay revisiting and
reorganizing by individual city. If it matters that the tanners were
located outside of the cities, then it would matter where outside a
given city they were located as it might tell us something about the
status of the community they were near. Physical proximity may or may
not reveal interconnectedness but it is certainly worth knowing to the
extent possible. A social map does not, but could emerge from these
pages. Saracen slaves are briefly considered but the Jewish community
gets closer discussion here as well (206-15). Chapter eight on the
bishop is brief but reveals the interconnectedness of episcopal
household and civic identity. The final chapter on the economy is an
interesting sketch of the extent and limits of urban trade
organization and Mediterranean-wide exchange drawn from a range of
sources, from pilgrimage accounts to privileges and charters.
Oldfield has brought together a wide range of evidence and materials
that reveal the complexity of urban life in Norman southern Italy. In
doing so, he has achieved the objective he set for the work. This
work will be useful to future scholars interested in both precise
portraits of individual cities and reintegrating the urban history of
medieval Italy.
Oldfield, Paul. <i>City and Community in Norman Italy</i>. Series:
Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought: Fourth Series, 72.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Pp. 310. $99.00.
ISBN-13: 9780521898041.
Reviewed by Louis I. Hamilton
Drew University
lhamilto@drew.edu
Paul Oldfield's <i>City and Community</i> contains a wealth of detail
from the lives of the cities of primarily Apulia and Campagna in the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. The five-page bibliography of primary
sources in printed editions not only reveals the breadth of his survey
of the material but also makes this work an invaluable resource for
all scholars and students of medieval Italy. Such a concentrated
survey of urban life in southern Italy is a unique and difficult
undertaking, and most welcome. <i>City and Community</i> comes out of
Oldfield's thesis as will be apparent to the reader. The wealth of
material that Oldfield collects is both the strength and great
weakness of the work as Oldfield's broader analytic point and overall
thesis is too often lost in loosely organized details. This work will
ultimately, I believe, prove an important starting point for future
research on urban life in Norman Italy.
Oldfield is concerned to demonstrate that, despite an entrenched
historiography that has long since marginalized the cities of southern
Italy, the cities of Norman Italy developed and retained elements of
independence, self-governing, and civic identity. Oldfield is correct
to challenge the portrait of southern Italy as "more a passive object
than actor in history," as Giovanni Tobacco once described it (5). In
this traditional portrait, urban creativity and liberty were crushed
by church and state alike. Oldfield offers much evidence that reveals
the cities of southern Italy as anything but passive and oppressed.
It should be noted that the title is <i>City and Community</i>, not
"city and commune." The latter is a concession to the limited
authority of the citizens of southern Italy. Oldfield defines
communal as "an adjective meaning 'that which relates to or benefits
the community.' It is not to be associated with the commune as an
institution unless this is specifically indicated" (7). Such a
definition obviously begs the questions, what is "the community," who
defines what "benefits" it, and how and by whom was that benefit
attained? In this definition, a royal privilege granted to a monastic
community, a bishop's household, a guild, or a group of self-described
citizens are all equally "communal" actions. A more limiting, but
traditional definition of the commune as a sworn association formed
with the purpose of governing public activity within urban areas would
have loaned greater clarity to Oldfield's work. It would have also
allowed more ready comparison with urban transformations on the rest
of the Italian peninsula. Nor was it necessary for Oldfield to invent
such a distinction as he offers evidence of sworn associations
(societies, for ex.) exerting independent authority within the city.
In addition, he repeatedly discovers the traditional actors of the
communes (<i>boni homines, iudices, cives</i>, etc.) acting with
common interests, even if without direct evidence for a sworn
association. A more traditional definition would not only have been
more precise but would have enabled greater integration of the two
historiographies of medieval Italy. The equally thorny question of
what defines a city is dealt with in the more typical manner, albeit
imprecise, of confining the study to the self-described
<i>civitas</i>.
The first part of the work, "Urban Government and Communal
Independence," provides a chronological overview of the effects, or
lack thereof, of the Normans on the urban centers of southern Italy.
The first chapter, "Before 1085: the arrival of the Normans," is
filled with tantalizing clues of a vibrant urban life in the eleventh
century. One wishes that the <i>cives, boni homines</i>, or
<i>iudices</i> (23, 25) that Oldfield has discovered in his research
or the uprising against ducal control that he thinks "may be evident
of incipient communal participation in civic affairs" were more
closely scrutinized in their details. This book is filled with such
clues that will surely become the basis of future research. Chapter
two highlights the absence of Ducal presence in cities like Troia and
Bari. In Bari in particular the Byzantine elite appeared to have
retained their titles through the eleventh century. The situation in
the cities became more fraught in the early twelfth century with
Benevento and Capua asserting greater independence from the Norman
dukes and Bari, Gaeta, Trani and Troia following suit more or less.
Bari, Gaeta and Trani appear to have experienced the greatest
independence although the organization of the chapter requires the
reader to construct the comparisons with some difficulty. Here, at
least, Oldfield is using the more traditional phrase "communal
institutions." Chapter three contends that the years of civil war
from 1127-39 did not result in an abandonment of civic privileges but
reveals much greater continuity with the privileges gained in the
preceding two generations than had been previously thought. This
relative, and surprising, independence continued on the mainland
through the early thirteenth century.
Part two of the book, "Urban society: community identity and wealth,"
largely attempts to survey social identity within the cities and is
less successful. Intriguingly, Oldfield notes that the term
<i>cives</i> is increasingly popular in the twelfth century and that
it denotes greater social status although it admittedly cannot be
precisely defined (180). He mentions in passing a greater emphasis on
civic rights at the expense of civic custom with little effort made to
explain what seems a remarkable observation (182). A close
examination of the context of that evidence might have enabled greater
causal explanation. As is often the case, one wishes that Oldfield
could have presented the reader with a range of examples of the use of
the term so that the reader could either better understand his
reluctance to impose precision or understand the spectrum of possible
meanings he has discovered. Chapter seven, "The Community," is
perhaps the least satisfying in the entire work, but again tantalizing
clues abound. His argument that the distinction between the (ill-
defined) categories of "elites," "middle" and the "edges" of society
is imprecise, is unsurprising. Still, we are treated to a wealth of
detail; the neighborhoods of different cities are sprinkled throughout
the chapter (198-202 for example) and would repay revisiting and
reorganizing by individual city. If it matters that the tanners were
located outside of the cities, then it would matter where outside a
given city they were located as it might tell us something about the
status of the community they were near. Physical proximity may or may
not reveal interconnectedness but it is certainly worth knowing to the
extent possible. A social map does not, but could emerge from these
pages. Saracen slaves are briefly considered but the Jewish community
gets closer discussion here as well (206-15). Chapter eight on the
bishop is brief but reveals the interconnectedness of episcopal
household and civic identity. The final chapter on the economy is an
interesting sketch of the extent and limits of urban trade
organization and Mediterranean-wide exchange drawn from a range of
sources, from pilgrimage accounts to privileges and charters.
Oldfield has brought together a wide range of evidence and materials
that reveal the complexity of urban life in Norman southern Italy. In
doing so, he has achieved the objective he set for the work. This
work will be useful to future scholars interested in both precise
portraits of individual cities and reintegrating the urban history of
medieval Italy.
Thursday, June 10, 2010
Airforce Condor Air Rifle
inter
More on this topic
Новым главным тренером "Интера" стал Рафаэль Бенитес
2010 Benitez coached English
Benitez, who left Liverpool for
enough roigryvat! Basta
Tuesday, June 8, 2010
Brown Discharge And Fever
canon law
Brasington, Bruce C. and Kathleen G. Cushing, eds. \u0026lt;i> Bishops, Texts
and the Use of Canon Law around 1100. Essays in Honour of Martin
Brett \u0026lt;/ i>. Series: Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West.
Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2008. Pp. 224. $99.95.
Reviewed by John S. Ott / Portland State University
Over the past several years, the community of canon law scholars has
been busily fêting its luminaries. <i>Festschriften</i> have appeared
for Peter Landau (2000), Roger Reynolds (2004), Kenneth Pennington
(2006), and Linda Fowler-Magerl (2008); another is on the way for
Robert Somerville. Martin Brett joins their company in this volume of
fourteen essays co-edited by Bruce C. Brasington and Kathleen G.
Cushing. Both editors have worked directly with the honoree in their
own scholarship; Brasington, for example, has partnered with Brett to
produce an on-line and fully accessible edition of the
<i>Panormia</i>, an influential, late eleventh-century canon law
collection until recently attributed with few qualms to Ivo of
Chartres. [1] Besides the <i>Panormia</i>, Brett has worked many
years to produce new editions of the <i>Tripartita</i> (also once
attributed to Ivo) and the <i>Decretum</i> (still attributed to him),
as well as the eleventh- and twelfth-century episcopal <i>acta</i> of
Canterbury, and a variety of other projects. Even to casual observers
of the field of canon law studies, Brett has surely earned this
volume, as the warm praise of its contributors for his work makes
clear.
Following a modest homage to Brett--a list of his publications appears
at the end of the volume (215-220)--and a survey of the volume's
contents (1-3), the editors have divided the essays into two groups:
"Bishops and their Texts" and "Texts and the Use of Canon Law." The
first group favors contributions which explore bishops' involvement in
the compilation and transmission of canon law collections; the second
group of essays addresses the methods, motives, and interpretations of
the collections' compilers. The distinctions are by no means
absolute, and one can easily imagine other ways of organizing the
contents of the volume (for example: paleographical and codicological
studies in one group; studies focusing on the formal sources of law
collections in another; and the social, political, and pastoral
applications of canon law in a third). Nearly all the essays concern
the compilation and transmission of canon law in the period before
Gratian, and studies of the Ivonian corpus and the <i>Collectio
Lanfranci</i>, central to much of Brett's own work, dominate a
significant portion of the volume. Many of the contributions include
new editions of previously unpublished texts.
| Show details 5:27 (8 hours ago) |
and the Use of Canon Law around 1100. Essays in Honour of Martin
Brett \u0026lt;/ i>. Series: Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West.
Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2008. Pp. 224. $99.95.
Reviewed by John S. Ott / Portland State University
Over the past several years, the community of canon law scholars has
been busily fêting its luminaries. <i>Festschriften</i> have appeared
for Peter Landau (2000), Roger Reynolds (2004), Kenneth Pennington
(2006), and Linda Fowler-Magerl (2008); another is on the way for
Robert Somerville. Martin Brett joins their company in this volume of
fourteen essays co-edited by Bruce C. Brasington and Kathleen G.
Cushing. Both editors have worked directly with the honoree in their
own scholarship; Brasington, for example, has partnered with Brett to
produce an on-line and fully accessible edition of the
<i>Panormia</i>, an influential, late eleventh-century canon law
collection until recently attributed with few qualms to Ivo of
Chartres. [1] Besides the <i>Panormia</i>, Brett has worked many
years to produce new editions of the <i>Tripartita</i> (also once
attributed to Ivo) and the <i>Decretum</i> (still attributed to him),
as well as the eleventh- and twelfth-century episcopal <i>acta</i> of
Canterbury, and a variety of other projects. Even to casual observers
of the field of canon law studies, Brett has surely earned this
volume, as the warm praise of its contributors for his work makes
clear.
Following a modest homage to Brett--a list of his publications appears
at the end of the volume (215-220)--and a survey of the volume's
contents (1-3), the editors have divided the essays into two groups:
"Bishops and their Texts" and "Texts and the Use of Canon Law." The
first group favors contributions which explore bishops' involvement in
the compilation and transmission of canon law collections; the second
group of essays addresses the methods, motives, and interpretations of
the collections' compilers. The distinctions are by no means
absolute, and one can easily imagine other ways of organizing the
contents of the volume (for example: paleographical and codicological
studies in one group; studies focusing on the formal sources of law
collections in another; and the social, political, and pastoral
applications of canon law in a third). Nearly all the essays concern
the compilation and transmission of canon law in the period before
Gratian, and studies of the Ivonian corpus and the <i>Collectio
Lanfranci</i>, central to much of Brett's own work, dominate a
significant portion of the volume. Many of the contributions include
new editions of previously unpublished texts.
Sunday, June 6, 2010
St. Dalfour Whitening Cream
history of christianity
Noble, Thomas F. X. and Julia M. H. Smith, with R. A. Baranowski, eds.
<i>The Cambridge History of Christianity</i>, Volume 3: <i>Early Medieval Christianities, c. 600-c. 1100</i>. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2008. Pp. xxix, 846. GBP 105.00, $175.00. ISBN:9780521817752.
Reviewed by Raymond Van Dam University of Michigan
The <i>Cambridge Histories</i> are one of the crown jewels of the many
great academic resources published by Cambridge University Press. Now
that universities can purchase on-line subscriptions to the
<i>Histories</i> for their faculty and students, it has become much
easier to sample the riches available both within and outside our own
specialized fields. We scholars in ancient and medieval studies have
of course focused on volumes in <i>The Ancient History</i> and <i>The
New Medieval History</i>, with perhaps occasional glances at the
series on religions. Judaism and Islam have already received their
own <i>Histories</i>. But for Christianity CUP has so far published
only <i>The History of the Bible</i> and <i>The History of Early
Christian Literature</i>.
<i>The Cambridge History of Christianity</i> is a new series, with
volumes 1 and 2 published in 2006 and 2007 respectively. This third
volume now covers the early medieval period from 600 to 1100, from
pope Gregory the Great, whose mission to England "has conventionally
been regarded as a starting point in the history of western
Christianity" (13), to pope Gregory VII, whom the German king Henry IV
ridiculed as "no pope but false monk" (625).
www.cambridge.org / uk / catalogue / catalogue.asp
Noble, Thomas F. X. and Julia M. H. Smith, with R. A. Baranowski, eds.
<i>The Cambridge History of Christianity</i>, Volume 3: <i>Early Medieval Christianities, c. 600-c. 1100</i>. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2008. Pp. xxix, 846. GBP 105.00, $175.00. ISBN:9780521817752.
Reviewed by Raymond Van Dam University of Michigan
The <i>Cambridge Histories</i> are one of the crown jewels of the many
great academic resources published by Cambridge University Press. Now
that universities can purchase on-line subscriptions to the
<i>Histories</i> for their faculty and students, it has become much
easier to sample the riches available both within and outside our own
specialized fields. We scholars in ancient and medieval studies have
of course focused on volumes in <i>The Ancient History</i> and <i>The
New Medieval History</i>, with perhaps occasional glances at the
series on religions. Judaism and Islam have already received their
own <i>Histories</i>. But for Christianity CUP has so far published
only <i>The History of the Bible</i> and <i>The History of Early
Christian Literature</i>.
<i>The Cambridge History of Christianity</i> is a new series, with
volumes 1 and 2 published in 2006 and 2007 respectively. This third
volume now covers the early medieval period from 600 to 1100, from
pope Gregory the Great, whose mission to England "has conventionally
been regarded as a starting point in the history of western
Christianity" (13), to pope Gregory VII, whom the German king Henry IV
ridiculed as "no pope but false monk" (625).
www.cambridge.org / uk / catalogue / catalogue.asp
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